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The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses
by John Adams
(#2 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)
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Title: State of the Union Addresses of John Adams
Author: John Adams
Release Date: February, 2004 [EBook #5011]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on April 11, 2002]
Edition: 10
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY JOHN ADAMS ***
This eBook was produced by James Linden.
The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
Dates of addresses by John Adams in this eBook:
November 22, 1797
December 8, 1798
December 3, 1799
November 11, 1800
***
State of the Union Address
John Adams
November 22, 1797
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of
the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to
convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was
desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and
a considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants
of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their
fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state
and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,
now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the
members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to
meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone
the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution
upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.
Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in
Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our
citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,
abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for
interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,
prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,
and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a
calm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our
moral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.
Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked - one in July, the
other in August - to join their colleague in Holland. I have received
intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they
all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of
September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing
will have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a
successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with
the safety, honor and interest of the United States. nothing, in the mean
time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the
attainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of
which on many former occasions the people of the United States have given
such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national
defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their
power.
It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the
adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary
measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the
opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then
prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the
reasons for its adoption.
Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and
whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain
that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state
of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious
obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so
impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of
nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and
violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground
on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or
defense will not be plundered.
The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,
at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The
genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their
cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,
fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In
short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be
destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and
distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.
The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of
commercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this
view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I
forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our
commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the
only sure means of preserving both.
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