The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses
by Calvin Coolidge
(#27 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)
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Title: State of the Union Addresses of Calvin Coolidge
Author: Calvin Coolidge
Release Date: February, 2004 [EBook #5036]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on April 11, 2002]
Edition: 10
Language: English
Character set encoding: ASCII
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY CALVIN COOLIDGE ***
This eBook was produced by James Linden.
The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***
Dates of addresses by Calvin Coolidge in this eBook:
December 6, 1923
December 3, 1924
December 8, 1925
December 7, 1926
December 6, 1927
December 4, 1928
***
State of the Union Address
Calvin Coolidge
December 6, 1923
Since the close of the last Congress the Nation has lost President Harding
. The world knew his kindness and his humanity, his greatness and his
character. He has left his mark upon history. He has made justice more
certain and peace more secure. The surpassing tribute paid to his memory as
he was borne across the continent to rest at last at home revealed the
place lie held in the hearts of the American people. But this is not the
occasion for extended reference to the man or his work. In this presence,
among these who knew and loved him, that is unnecessary. But we who were
associated with him could not resume together the functions of our office
without pausing for a moment, and in his memory reconsecrating ourselves to
the service of our country. He is gone. We remain. It is our duty, under
the inspiration of his example, to take up the burdens which he was
permitted to lay down, and to develop and support the wise principles of
government which he represented.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
For us peace reigns everywhere. We desire to perpetuate it always by
granting full justice to others and requiring of others full justice to
ourselves.
Our country has one cardinal principle to maintain in its foreign policy.
It is an American principle. It must be an American policy. We attend to
our own affairs, conserve our own strength, and protect the interests of
our own citizens; but we recognize thoroughly our obligation to help
others, reserving to the decision of our own Judgment the time, the place,
and the method. We realize the common bond of humanity. We know the
inescapable law of service.
Our country has definitely refused to adopt and ratify the covenant of the
League of Nations. We have not felt warranted in assuming the
responsibilities which its members have assumed. I am not proposing any
change in this policy; neither is the Senate. The incident, so far as we
are concerned, is closed. The League exists as a foreign agency. We hope it
will be helpful. But the United States sees no reason to limit its own
freedom and independence of action by joining it. We shall do well to
recognize this basic fact in all national affairs and govern ourselves
accordingly.
WORLD COURT
Our foreign policy has always been guided by two principles. The one is the
avoidance of permanent political alliances which would sacrifice our proper
independence. The other is the peaceful settlement of controversies between
nations. By example and by treaty we have advocated arbitration. For nearly
25 years we have been a member of The Hague Tribunal, and have long sought
the creation of a permanent World Court of Justice. I am in full accord
with both of these policies. I favor the establishment of such a court
intended to include the whole world. That is, and has long been, an
American policy.
Pending before the Senate is a proposal that this Government give its
support to the Permanent Court of International Justice, which is a new and
somewhat different plan. This is not a partisan question. It should not
assume an artificial importance. The court is merely a convenient
instrument of adjustment to ?which we could go, but to which we could not
be brought. It should be discussed with entire candor, not by a political
but by a judicial method, without pressure and without prejudice.
Partisanship has no place in our foreign relations. As I wish to see a
court established, and as the proposal presents the only practical plan on
which many nations have ever agreed, though it may not meet every desire, I
therefore commend it to the favorable consideration of the Senate, with the
proposed reservations clearly indicating our refusal to adhere to the
League of Nations. RUSSIA
Our diplomatic relations, lately so largely interrupted, are now being
resumed, but Russia presents notable difficulties. We have every desire to
see that great people, who are our traditional friends, restored to their
position among the nations of the earth. We have relieved their pitiable
destitution with an. enormous charity. Our Government offers no objection
to the carrying on of commerce by our citizens with the people of Russia.
Our Government does not propose, however, to enter into relations with
another regime which refuses to recognize the sanctity of international
obligations. I do not propose to barter away for the privilege of trade any
of the cherished rights of humanity. I do not propose to make merchandise
of any American principles. These rights and principles must go wherever
the sanctions of our Government go.
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